It’s Time to Admit: The ‘9/11 Truthers’ Were Right

Among the numerous views held by those espousing “9/11 truth,” one central idea remains the same: The United States government is complicit in the September 11, 2001 terror attacks.

An article in the New York Post this week, boldly titled “How US covered up Saudi role in 9/11,” details how the highest levels of the US government not only helped conceal Saudi involvement but assisted the perpetrators in escaping the country.
The Cover-up
“The kingdom’s involvement was deliberately covered up at the highest levels of our government. And the coverup goes beyond locking up 28 pages of the Saudi report in a vault in the US Capitol basement,” Paul Sperry writes. “Investigations were throttled. Co-conspirators were let off the hook.”
Everyone from Join Terrorism Task Force members to FBI agents and Virginia law enforcement say that despite evidence leading to the Saudi Embassy in Washington, investigations were derailed repeatedly by higher ups.
“Those sources say the pages missing from the 9/11 congressional inquiry report — which comprise the entire final chapter dealing with ‘foreign support for the September 11 hijackers’ — details ‘incontrovertible evidence’ gathered from both CIA and FBI case files of official Saudi assistance for at least two of the Saudi hijackers who settled in San Diego.”
The Saudi Connection
One name specifically, that of Saudi Ambassador Prince Bandar, commonly known as “Bandar Bush” due to his longtime relationship with the president, came up frequently during investigations.
“Some information has leaked from the redacted section, including a flurry of pre-9/11 phone calls between one of the hijackers’ Saudi handlers in San Diego and the Saudi Embassy, and the transfer of some $130,000 from then-Saudi Ambassador Prince Bandar’s family checking account to yet another of the hijackers’ Saudi handlers in San Diego,” Sperry continues.
Upon learning of the agent’s knowledge, State Department officials responded not by detaining Bandar, but by providing him with round-the-clock protection.
“An investigator who worked with the JTTF in Washington complained that instead of investigating Bandar, the US government protected him — literally,” the article says. “He said the State Department assigned a security detail to help guard Bandar not only at the embassy, but also at his McLean, Va., mansion.”
Former FBI agent John Guandolo, a Washington field agent who investigated Bandar following 9/11, says the Saudi should have undoubtedly been treated as a suspect.
“The Saudi ambassador funded two of the 9/11 hijackers through a third party,” Guandolo said. “He should be treated as a terrorist suspect, as should other members of the Saudi elite class who the US government knows are currently funding the global jihad.”
The Getaway
The article goes on to state that just two days after the attack, Bandar visited the White House to enjoy several cigars with President Bush before being granted safe passage out of the country with other Saudis.
“After he met on Sept. 13, 2001, with President Bush in the White House, where the two old family friends shared cigars on the Truman Balcony, the FBI evacuated dozens of Saudi officials from multiple cities, including at least one Osama bin Laden family member on the terror watch list,” Sperry says. “Instead of interrogating the Saudis, FBI agents acted as security escorts for them, even though it was known at the time that 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudi citizens.”
Then-White House adviser Richard Clarke also stated in 2003 that he aided the Saudis escape after being assured by FBI agents that they had been cleared of wrongdoing.
“The adviser, Richard Clarke, who ran the White House crisis team after the attacks but has since left the Bush administration, said he agreed to the extraordinary plan because the Federal Bureau of Investigation assured him that the departing Saudis were not linked to terrorism,” Times writer Eric Lichtblau stated.
The Saudi Panic
In response to growing knowledge of the Saudi’s role, the Islamic kingdom has threatened to “sell up to $750 billion in treasury securities and other assets in the United States” if legislation backing the release of the 28 pages is passed.
“Adel al-Jubeir, the Saudi foreign minister, delivered the kingdom’s message personally last month during a trip to Washington, telling lawmakers that Saudi Arabia would be forced to sell up to $750 billion in treasury securities and other assets in the United States before they could be in danger of being frozen by American courts,” writes The New York Times.
Although such information is devastating to the US, Saudi Arabia and the “official story” of September 11, much of it has been public since the years following the attack.
The Other Whistleblowers
Largely ignored by the press is the countless other government officials who also say they experienced similar treatment when trying to investigate America’s largest ever terror attack.
Former NSA senior executive Thomas Drake, who blew the whistle on domestic surveillance during the Bush presidency, has commented repeatedly on NSA intelligence that would have “undoubtedly” stopped 9/11.
“The NSA had critical intelligence about Al Qaeda and associated movements in particular that had never been properly shared outside of NSA,” Drake said in 2014. “They simply did not share critical intelligence although they had it.”
Former senior intelligence officer Lt. Col Anthony Shaffer was similarly sidelined by the Defense Intelligence Agency for blowing the whistle on covered up operations that identified two terrorist cells later charged for the 9/11 attacks.
“I had no intention of joining the ranks of ‘whistle blowers,’” Shaffer said in 2009. “When I made my disclosure to the 9/11 commission regarding the existence of a pre 9/11 offensive counter-terrorism operation that had discovered several of the 9/11 terrorists a full year before the 9/11 attacks my intention was to simply tell the truth, and fulfill my oath of office.”

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